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This classic history of the Mexican hacienda from the colonial period through the nineteenth century has been reissued in a silver anniversary edition complete with a substantive new introduction and foreword. Eric Van Young explores 150 years of Mexico's economic and rural development, a period when one of history's great empires was trying to extract more resources from its most important colony, and when an arguably capitalist economy was both expanding and taking deeper root. The author explains the development of a regional agrarian system, centered on the landed estates of late colonial Mexico, the central economic and social institution of an overwhelmingly rural society. With rich empirical detail, he meticulously describes the features of the rural economy, including patterns of land ownership, credit and investment, labor relations, the structure of production, and the relationship of a major colonial city to its surrounding area. The book's most interesting and innovative element is its emphasis on the way the system of rural economy shaped, and was shaped by, the internal logic of a great spatial system, the region of Guadalajara. Van Young argues that Guadalajara's population growth progressively integrated the large geographical region surrounding the city through the mechanisms of the urban market for grain and meat, which in turn put pressure on local land and labor resources. Eventually this drove white and Indian landowners into increasingly sharp conflict and led to the progressive proletarianization of the region's peasantry during the last decades of the Spanish colonial era. It is no accident, given this history, that the Guadalajara region was one of the major areas of armed insurrection for most of the decade during Mexico's struggle for independence from Spain. By highlighting the way haciendas worked and changed over time, this indispensable study illuminates Mexico's economic and social his
- Sales Rank: #2790639 in Books
- Published on: 2006-06-01
- Format: Deluxe Edition
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x 1.13" w x 6.44" l, 1.32 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 454 pages
Review
This is a monumental work that will influence colonial historians of Mexico in the same manner as Brading, Bakewell, and Taylor have.... Impeccable in its scholarship, this work is elegantly written. (Latin America In Books)
Eric Van Young has written a major study of late colonial economic development, urban markets, and haciendas as economic institutions in the regional setting of central Jalisco…Students of early Latin American history will use this book often for its solid, clearly presented findings and for its many ideas about specific economic and social changes. It is an admirable step beyond all previous regional studies of land systems and economic change. (William B. Taylor, University of California, Berkeley Hispanic American Historical Review)
As a case study, the book confirms much of what has recently been documented for other areas of Mexico while adding significant new details. In terms of technique and ideas it is an important contribution to the field of colonial economic and social history. (Herman W. Konrad American Historical Review)
This is an excellent book. Colonial historians will long consider it required reading. (Keith A. Davis Agricultural History)
A thoroughly satisfying book… Eric Van Young is the first author to attempt to analyze the colonial agricultural economy from the perspective of a regional marketing area rather than that of the local producing unit… an excellent contribution holding significance for all researchers interested in the economic and social history of Mexico. (James D. Riley The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Latin American History)
This is an important, meticulously researched and elegantly written study of a neglected region. Van Young is to be praised for providing a working geographical definition of what is an 'economic region,' and for looking at relations between city and countryside from both angles. (G. P. C. Thomson Times Literary Supplement)
About the Author
Eric Van Young is professor of history at the University of California, San Diego.
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He then provides what he does best: a superb fifty-page historiographical essay that both summarizes ...
By Kevin C. Young
Based on Van Young’s dissertation, the book follows the genre of Mexican regional social and economic history for Guadalajara in the footsteps of Francois Chevalier (Northern Mexico), Ward Barrett (Morelos), David Brading (Bajío), and William Taylor (Oaxaca). Chevalier’s earlier work hypothesized that the hacienda was a transplanted feudal system of manor and serf; Van Young followed faithfully - even using descriptors such as demesne and entail - but insisted that there were no serfs, only peasants, who later became – surprise - a rural proletariat. The book is Eurocentric and top-down; in his Intro to the 1981 original, Van Young admitted to passing over the market economy and “texture of life in the countryside,” an unusual omission for a work that purported to describe cultural features, and was more concerned with quantitative data presented in no less than fifty charts, graphs, and tables. He styled his work an “entrepreneurial history,” tracking market supply and demand for commodities (meat, wheat, and maize) and agricultural transformations in shifting political climates. In recent trends, the book would fit into either the commodity chain/new business history genres. Although he cited 1750-1810 as a key window, “Bourbon reforms” was mentioned once in passing (pg. 144).
In the foreword to the 2nd edition, John Coatsworth praises the renewed study of political economy, of which Hacienda and Market is “a standard in the field,” following a hiatus during the “culturalist tsunami.” By contrast, in his Intro to the 2nd edition, Van Young provides an honest self-criticism of the work’s weaknesses, especially the “single-stranded history typical of economic studies,” and his unsuccessful attempts to “essentialize” haciendas after Wolf & Mintz, and to impose Chevalier’s seigneurial model. He realized only “later” (unspecified how much later) that the hacienda was not a “surrogate village community” as he had claimed earlier (a la Nancy Farriss); it was, rather, “a long-lived rural insurgency among common and indigenous people.” He admits bravely that culture, subalterns, and multi-ethnic fragmentary worlds within worlds do, in fact, matter. He then provides what he does best: a superb fifty-page historiographical essay that both summarizes the original 357-page text and analyzes the state of the field over three decades. This was, for me, the best part of the book. The book endures as a testament to solid quantitative methodology and analysis of vast source materials. The assumptions were flawed, as is evident in numerous contradictions, which he referred to in text as paradoxes. If he had paid due diligence to social historians of the 1970s such as Moisés González Navarro and Silvio Zavala, his errors would have been obvious; they appeared as footnotes for further reading at the time.
Most of Hacienda & Market remains valid, notably the macro-history of the hacienda and the role of early large-scale agricultural production to support mining operations. Van Young asserted correctly that haciendas varied from one region to another and were contingent on multiple variables; his work superseded the earlier 1970s single-estate model, which has since passed unnoticed into the bit bucket. Although details were somewhat limited, he did discuss Jesuit and ecclesiastical haciendas, but he provided hard numbers for lending by convents as proto-investment banks. He was also attentive to environmental and ecological issues, particularly water issues, including irrigation improvements. While he did not address subalterns and middle classes specifically, his treatment of elites was thorough and of importance for understanding overlapping, complementary, and competing relationships between creole and native power groupings in urban and rural settings. Of equal importance was his study of social mobility among elites: they were not, as had been previously assumed, a closed endogamous group.
Hacienda society did not consist solely of a bipolar hacienda/indigenous model; Van Young introduced in broad strokes the co-existence and growth of a smallholding multi-ethnic stratified society that participated fully in market initiatives. In doing so, he exposed cracks in the colonial twin-republic structure. A key feature of Guadalajara urban and hacienda society was the ever-growing community of merchants, who provided markets for agricultural products and capital to hacendados, as well as becoming hacendados – and elites – themselves. Of equal importance, merchants in Guadalajara, and by extension the entire region, were subordinate to Mexico City; they did not trade directly with Spain or the Philippines. Colonial markets were regional, national, and global. My impression was that Mexico City, not Madrid or Sevilla, was the core. Van Young showed convincingly that haciendas were not feudal, but were thoroughly capitalist, by mapping the commodity trajectory from livestock to wheat and maize in response to market demand within and beyond the region. Notwithstanding challenges such as the availability of labor, climate conditions, and the vicissitudes of the market, the single most important determinant of success or failure for the hacendado was access to capital. The turnover in hacienda ownership averaged between ten and twenty-five years, a stark contrast to earlier notions of generations of families entrenched in medieval mayorazgos, although there were a few of the latter. Haciendas were, he claims, highly unstable.
Van Young’s milestone for major transformation was 1750. He claims this was due to a major rebound in the rural Indian population and scarcity of communal land, as well as massive migration to urban Guadalajara from Europe and other urban centers within Mexico. His contention that hacienda boundaries were long-since fixed and did not encroach on indigenous lands is debatable, and is at any rate contradicted by his own revelations that boundaries of merceds and encomiendas were never methodically plotted, and by an incidental reference to “Spanish seizures of Indian resources” (pg. 245). Likewise, the need for indigenes and other castas to accept debt peonage for lack of other alternatives is contradicted by his evidence of the perpetual shortage of labor and the efforts of landowners to tie workers to the estates, which included not only hereditary debt but also incarceration and physical punishment. Van Young admitted that the means by which laborers were recruited was “something of a mystery” (pg. 262). There are also anomalous figures such as the indigenous shares of local markets: maize produced and sold by Indians historically accounted for 25% of market revenues. That number dropped precipitously to 5% in 1782, and to 1% in 1808. He proposed that increased indigenous populations consumed former surpluses.
A striking change was the makeup of cabildos, which had historically consisted of landed elites: after 1760, the Guadalajara cabildo was increasingly dominated by city merchants, many newly arrived from Spain, who were neither landowners nor tied via kinship to older elites. Of equal interest are the transformations brought about by the Napoleonic Wars, when Guadalajara and other cities developed obrajes to produce finished textiles. According to Van Young, the period following 1812 was an economic boom to merchants and producers in the region. At the same time, there was an increase in the incidence of rural violence and vagabondage. He concedes that ultimately “colonial elites pretty much disposed of labor resources as they liked,” and that there was an “ever-increasing impoverishment among the mass of rural inhabitants.”
I almost stopped reading when I read, “The acculturation process in colonial society worked against the indigenous tradition and in favor of the homogenizing tendency of Spanish culture.” Was that the same culture that produced castas, moriscos, conversos, and limpieza de sangre? Van Young was evidently seeking to impose consistency, somewhere, on an incoherent and highly unstable system.
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